OPPOSITION MDC-T leader Morgan Tsvangirai’s announcement that he is considering retiring from politics has escalated
succession fights in the party with officials warning of implosion.
Insiders revealed that party officials were coalescing
around vice-presidents Thokozani Khupe, Elias Mudzuri and Nelson Chamisa
although a significant number believe an extraordinary congress should be
called to enable any interested person, and not necessarily the
vice-presidents, to contest.
Tsvangirai’s succession has been complicated by the fact
that the party has three vice-presidents, following the MDC-T leader’s
unilateral decision to appoint Mudzuri and Chamisa as his deputies in 2016.
They joined Khupe who was elected at the party’s 2014 congress.
A senior MDC-T official said Tsvangirai had not yet
formally informed the party of his decision to resign and neither had he given
a timeline or a hint of how he wants to be succeeded, hence the confusion and
the escalation of jostling for posts.
“But because we are in an election year, this issue has to
be resolved as a matter of urgency because if we delay, we risk losing ground,”
the official said.
Tsvangirai is reportedly torn between Mudzuri and Chamisa,
but appears to be leaning towards Chamisa to lead the party.
However, Khupe has also received strong backing from party
supporters by virtue of the fact that she was elected at congress unlike her
unelected rivals.
According to Section 9.21 of the MDC-T constitution, in the
event of the death or resignation of the president, the deputy president
assumes the role of acting president, pending the holding of an extraordinary
congress that shall be held to elect a new president. The extraordinary
congress must be held no later than a year from the death or resignation of the
former president.
“We have some people who want Tsvangirai to handpick his
successor, others want him to soldier on because we are in an election year,
while others are lining up behind his deputies. But there is also quite a
significant number who believe the constitution should be the ultimate guide.
They want an extraordinary congress where anyone can contest,” the official
said.
Another official said: “We are in an election year and in
the event that Tsvangirai’s doctors advise him that he needs to rest and he
advises his party that he intends to step down, a deputy president becomes
acting president until an extraordinary congress is held within a year. But
because we are in an election year, we cannot afford to wait for a year; we
have to go to congress in the shortest possible time.
“Within a year can mean two weeks after the president’s
resignation or one month after, it is still within a year. The MDC-T will
follow the constitution if Tsvangirai officially resigns. The constitution is
very clear on the procedures to be taken.
“In addition, it’s not only the three VPs that are eligible
to contest for the presidency post at the congress. Any senior member, whether
from the standing committee or not, is eligible. It is not only confined to
three people. The most sacred principle is the choice of the people. Whoever
takes over must be chosen by the people.”
Despite having legitimacy on her side, Khupe faces a major
challenge in that Zimbabwe is a patriarchal and ethnocentric society which is a
key factor in politics.
Khupe has a frosty relationship with Tsvangirai. Her allies
have openly complained that the party leader appointed Mudzuri and Chamisa to
dilute her influence. In his New Year message, Tsvangirai said the appointments
were made with an eye on his succession as he wanted the younger generation to
take over.
An official said those supporting Mudzuri point to the fact
that the party did well during his time as national organising secretary, a
period which saw Tsvangirai beating Mugabe in the first round of the 2008
presidential election.
Mudzuri lost the post to Chamisa at the party’s congress in
Bulawayo in 2011 and Chamisa was in charge when the party performed dismally in
the 2013 elections. Chamisa’s supporters however argue that the party lost
elections because of massive rigging by Zanu PF.
Chamisa was beaten by Douglas Mwozora for the
secretary-general’s post in 2014. He garnered 1 762 votes while Mwonzora got 2
464 votes. There were however allegations of rigging in favour of Mwonzora who
got his nomination from just one province against Chamisa’s 11. The allegations
are yet to be substantiated.
Chamisa’s opponents insisted he had paid the price for the
party’s poor performance in the 2013 elections, where he was accused of underestimating
the extent and vigour of Zanu PF’s election machinery.
The loss saw Chamisa being downgraded to an ordinary
card-carrying member, but in December 2014 Tsvangirai appointed him to the
MDC-T’s national executive committee, marking his slow return into the party’s
inner circle. Tsvangirai also re-appointed Mudzuri as secretary for
international relations.
Mudzuri and Chamisa were further promoted to the position
of vice-presidents in July 2016, a move that was condemned by many senior
officials. The appointments put them in the race to succeed Tsvangirai.
Chamisa’s supporters say he has greater appeal to the
younger generation which constitutes a larger part of the electorate. He turns
40 next month.
Contacted for comment, MDC-T spokesperson Obert Gutu said
the MDC-T is united and denied that massive succession infighting is taking
place.
“We are preparing for elections and busy mobilising our
structures. When I read stories on social media I laugh my lungs out. We are
all busy occupying ourselves on how we can register as much voters as we can,
taking advantage of the extension of the voter registration exercise,” Gutu
said.
Political analyst Maxwell Saungweme this week was of the
opinion that Tsvangirai could be under a lot of pressure to appoint Chamisa,
but preferred Mudzuri to take over.
“I think Morgan wanted to succeed himself. Sadly,
ill-health is standing in his path. He would prefer Mudzuri to take over as he
thinks Chamisa is too young, ambitious and scheming. Tsvangirai also belongs to
the old school of political leaders who think young people and women can at
most occupy the vice-presidency and no higher,” Saungweme said.
“However, he faces a lot of pressure to anoint Chamisa
mainly due to his wife’s influence and also because he came a long way with
Chamisa. If rumours doing the rounds have some truth, Chamisa may have
facilitated the pension negotiations. He does not fancy the idea of Khupe as
she is opposed to the alliance idea and they have clashed many times before.
The contradictions between (Luke) Tamborinyoka and (Obert) Gutu attest to the
fact that the man is reluctantly leaving power but also has pressure to anoint
Chamisa yet he preferred Mudzuri. So I believe the man would want Mudzuri now
then Chamisa after 2023.”
Saungweme said Khupe had the qualities to move the party
forward.
“As an outsider, I think the poor guy complicated things
for himself when he decided to appoint Chamisa and Mudzuri to weaken Khupe. He
eschewed the MDC-T’s opportunity to demonstrate that it was a party of high
values and big principles that has no problem with a Ndebele woman taking over
the presidency,” he said.
“In Khupe, MDC blew the chance of having a highly educated
leader from politically excluded groups in our politics — women and Ndebeles.
How I wish our politics mimics Tanzania where someone’s ethnicity does not
matter for presidency.” Zimbabwe Independent
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