ZIMBABWEANS have never been as confused as they are today,
following the death of Robert Mugabe, who was labelled a dictator. They are of
two minds: is Mugabe a hero or a villain or is he both? They need to decide
whether to mourn for him or welcome his death, contrary to their culture of
saying a dead man is faultless.
Mugabe became the first black president of Zimbabwe in 1980
after bloody guerrilla warfare that ushered Zimbabwe into independence from
Britain.
Mugabe was voted into power in the 1980 general elections.
He then quickly consolidated power using a Zanu PF-dominated parliament, in the
process weeding out perceived enemies like Joshua Nkomo and Dumiso Dabengwa.
From 1980 to 1990, Mugabe was a darling of Zimbabwe, the
world and was feted as a Pan-Africanist by some Africans for advocating and
supporting the liberation of African countries, and for at least speaking
against white supremacy and neo-colonialism.
From 1995 onwards, Zimbabweans’ love for Mugabe began to
wane. In the late 1980s, his government had committed atrocities against
Ndebele people who were aligned to Zapu.
His most trusted man, Emmerson Mnangagwa, was State
Security minister then, and it would only be upon only Mnangagwa’s
recommendation that such an operation would be carried out. More than 20 000
people in Matabeleland and the Midlands provinces were brutally killed in the
Gukurahundi massacres.
The government has not admitted responsibility. Earlier
commission of inquiry reports were suppressed by Mugabe and state security
agents led by Mnangagwa.
Using wealth and productive capacity accumulated during the
pre-Independence era, Mugabe’s government embarked on a policy of
education-for-all and health-for-all, building schools and hospitals and
promoting free primary education. This was widely welcomed by most Zimbabweans,
thereby tacitly accepting Mugabe’s ambition for a life presidency.
In any case, dissent was heavily punished. Those belonging
to opposition parties would have their property destroyed and houses burnt down
with perpetrators facing no legal action or any consequences.
Mugabe never tolerated dissent. Dissent was considered taboo
and criticising the president was an abomination. Thus Mugabe amassed power and
violently crushed all opposition.
In Zanu PF’s rank and file, unexplained fatal accidents and
disappearances would befall those who opposed him.
But he was still considered by some as an Independence hero
and commanded vestiges of respect among his ardent supporters. Political
analysts say he ruled by fear. Mugabe was Zanu PF, and vice versa. Everyone
feared him.
By the turn of the 21st century, with rising economic
hardships, rising unemployment, rampant corruption, general disgruntlement and
increasing calls for democracy, a formidable opposition party was formed in
1999 — the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
Soon after, Zimbabweans would give Zanu PF a bloody nose in
a constitutional referendum. An infuriated Mugabe and his young wife would soon
order land invasions that resulted in multiple murder and rape cases in which
white farmers and their families were targeted.
An exodus of the commercial farmers would ensue, as a new
brand of “new farmers” replaced them. This triggered a chain of events, leading
to the total collapse of all industry with any links to agriculture, including
the investment-supporting financial sector.
The whole economy would soon catch a cold as gross domestic
product fell to unprecedented levels, and rising inflation set in.
People had rejected a referendum which in Mugabe’s eyes was
needed to correct historical land ownership imbalances. Mugabe, in turn,
reacted angrily, leading an agricultural “revolution” that brought great
disruption to the vital economic sector.
As disgruntlement grew, the opposition gained momentum. The
2002 election was heavily manipulated, with untold violence meted out on
opposition candidates.
Zanu PF had on its side the state-sponsored youths, army,
intelligence and state media spewing out propaganda on a minute by minute
basis.
Against insurmountable odds, the opposition went on to fare
impressively in violent national elections. The opposition even won a
parliamentary majority.
The pressure would be doubled in 2008 after Mugabe
completely lost to Morgan Tsvangirai. It took two whole months of all state
machinery to work around the clock to doctor the election result to bring
Mugabe’s votes to within the threshold that would necessitate an election
run-off.
Talk was there, and very much of it, that old Bob had
actually offered to concede defeat in the first-round election defeat, but
Emmerson Mnangagwa, his most trusted aid, would not let him. Transferring power
then would have destroyed Mnangagwa’s hope for the presidency in future.
A run-off was announced by state media well before the
presidential election results, which were eventually delivered to the cowering
Zimbabweans.
I will not talk of the ruthlessness with which Zanu PF
meted out violence during the run-off, with Tsvangirai pulling out at the last
minute, fearing for the opposition members’ lives. Mugabe would soon win a solo
and hollow run-off after which he would literally force and beg (in equal
measure) the opposition to form a unity government to improve his acceptance
and legitimacy at home and abroad.
Amid so much thuggery, deception, trickery and treachery, a
reckless and naïve MDC would be persuaded and coerced to concur. Of all the
conditions and reforms prescribed by the GNU, only one was met.
A very compromising constitution was cobbled together,
tailor-made to favour Zanu PF’s regeneration, with the opposition consigned to
the dustbin in the 2013 general election. With the constitution favouring him,
Mugabe would, as said the state media crowed, “resoundingly” win the 2013
election. Mugabe would then soon focus on purging his internal party opponents.
Most people acknowledge that Mugabe’s most trusted man —
Mnangagwa — was doing all the dirty work to keep the big man in power, but not
for Mugabe’s sake but for Manngagwa’s own future power ambition. But in the
process it was Mugabe’s name that was soiled and badly so.
Whilst Mugabe concentrated mainly on consolidating and
retaining power, the economy kept shrinking, unemployment rose, companies
closed, poverty worsened among the people and infrastructure suffered. An
ageing Mugabe had by that time delegated most of his powers to his young wife
Grace.
Grace could not officially chair cabinet, but was in the
habit of chastening and chiding senior party officials at rallies, barking out
instructions.
Powerless and afraid to do anything, Zimbabweans would only
watch. They were like foreigners in their own land. They helplessly watched
drama unfold, drama that negatively impacted on their welfare. Mugabe’s
government made no effort to fight corruption, which soon became Zanu PF stock
in trade. Senior Zanu PF and government officials became stinking rich from
plundering natural resources and the government purse.
Afraid of Mugabe’s government cruelty, Zimbabweans vowed
never to complain. Zimbabweans kept praying and hoping that internal Zanu PF
fights would eventually see change in government. This would happen in November
2017 when Mugabe was eventually deposed by the same army that kept him in power
for more than three decades.
Not in control of events, Zimbabweans would wake up to see
themselves with a worse government than that of the toppled ruler. It was a
government that was brazenly corrupt. It would call itself new dispensation,
but it was far worse in handling the affairs of Zimbabweans. So now Zimbabweans
are far worse off than before, with no fuel, 18-hour power cuts, very high cost
of basic commodities, economic stagflation and a government that does not care
at all.
On the other hand, if Mugabe truly cared about the welfare
of Zimbabwe he would have respected the will of Zimbabwean people and transfer
power when he lost.
On three occasions, he disrespected helpless Zimbabweans.
Led by an unforgiving Mnangagwa, his party meted untold
violence on the electorate, to sway election results in his favour. Whenever he
stole elections, Zimbabweans lost a chance to be able to steer the country in a
direction they favoured.
Aided by his most trusted aide Mnangagwa, who eventually
led a coup against him, Mugabe imposed his will on long-suffering Zimbabweans
from 2002 onwards.
However, after the coup, President Mnangagwa’s government
attribute all the violence and intransigence to one man, Robert Gabriel Mugabe.
Gullible Zimbabweans would celebrate the removal of Mugabe in a frenzy, but two
years down the line, there is no improvement, but the situation has gotten much
worse, actually out of control. Zimbabweans are actually regretting now.
However, although Mugabe is no longer in power, the same
human rights abuses and election manipulation and theft still persist on an
industrial scale. It is as if Mugabe is still in charge. Even though Mugabe is
no longer in power, state media propaganda is at its worst level ever.
Corruption has now blossomed. Should the nation exonerate
Mugabe after observing that it is his acolyte who was committing all the
violence, but hiding behind Robert Mugabe’s name? Probably that is why Mugabe
died a very bitter man.
I think this is what perplexes Zimbabweans, making it
difficult whether to sympathise with Mugabe or rejoice over his death.
They appreciate that Mugabe was not passive, but actively
implemented a power-retention strategy. They also wonder whether Mnangagwa
would have ever tasted power if he had not persuaded Mugabe to remain in power.
But he eventually had to wrest that power from Mugabe, who eventually died a
bitter man, having realised that he has been betrayed by Mnangagwa.
Some people are toying with the idea that perhaps Mugabe
was not that bad after all, but was the victim of a “system” bigger than him.
Mugabe loved power, whilst his cronies loved to accumulate wealth. Both got
what they wanted from the synergy.
While Mugabe basked in glory, people like Mnangagwa
accumulated immense wealth. In the process, Zimbabweans got poorer,
infrastructure dilapidated, health delivery system collapsed, education system
failed, unemployment soared to 90%.
At some point Mnangagwa tried to convince the nation that
command agriculture had indeed created two million jobs, but this was pie in
the sky.
Shumba is a local political commentator. Zimbabwe
Independent
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